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A little more holiday decorating
I've had the same 3M Command hooks on my windows and doors since the first winter I was here. They've held wreaths and other little, seasonal decorations for years. I decided to replace them this year, but every time I hung my wreaths, I a bit "thunk...

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And so it begins again: What happens in Holy Week

We enter into Holy Week tomorrow: We remember the events of betrayal, crucifixion, and entering into Hell itself. At the end of Holy Week comes the joyous declaration of Resurrection, new life. The fruits of Easter – and Spring - will soon be with us.

Before we go there, I’d like to sketch for you what transpires at St. Paul's in Holy Week. It is my hope and prayer that you will not rush through this the holiest of weeks of our year. I’d like you not to skip from Palm Sunday to Easter without experiencing the richness of what comes in between and the depth of its meaning for us in our walk of faith.

Please accept my personal invitation to participate in as much of Holy Week as you can, wherever you are, and to be especially attentive to the Holy Spirit working within you. Listen for the Holy Spirit, allow yourself to be made new, just as Easter makes each of us new.
As I did last year, I will post on this site each day of Holy Week to explain a bit of what we are doing and why, and to share what I am experiencing. I will also give you a heads up on what comes the next day. And, sorry, no Monday Funnies this week, but it will return the day after Easter Day.

Holy Week is first and last about servanthood, ours to each other, and Christ as servant to all of us. The events of Holy Week represent Jesus lowering himself, step by step, into the fullness of servanthood: Jesus declares, “Where I am, there will my servant be also.”

The first day of Holy Week is tomorrow, the day called, The Sunday of the Passion: Palm Sunday . It begins with the waving of palms and the great triumphant entry by Jesus into Jerusalem, and then Palm Sunday quickly slides into remembering the tragedy and torture of the crucifixion soon to come.

Monday of Holy Week , we will end our regular noon Prayers for Peace with a Holy Eucharist at 12:30 pm. This year we are also adding a meditation on the "Stations of the Cross" led by University of Virginia student Peter Kang. The reflections will be at 6:30 pm, ending on Good Friday. Each "station" will be at a location inside the nave of St. Paul's.

Tuesday of Holy Week , we will hold our noon Holy Eucharist, and at 7:30 pm, our university students will lead their very moving – haunting – chants of Taize.
Wednesday of Holy Week is marked by our Evening Prayer at 5:30 pm and our community night supper. Then I will lead an instructed Eucharist at 7 pm, pausing along the way to explain a bit about how and why we do what we do in the Eucharist.

The three days of Easter begin on Thursday evening at 7:30 pm – Maundy Thursday . We begin the Great Three Days on Thursday, in keeping with the Hebrew calendar in which the new day begins at sundown. The third day begins at sundown on Saturday.

During the Great three days, classically called the Easter Triduum , there are no blessings or dismissals. The reason is the Church understands the services of Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, Holy Saturday and the Great Vigil of Easter to be one great continuous liturgy.

The word “maundy” derives from Middle English, and it means “mandate.” Maundy Thursday commemorates the Last Supper when Jesus “mandates” that we remember him each time we experience the bread and wine of our Holy Eucharist.

On Maundy Thursday , we recall that Jesus ate with his disciples, then washed their feet. The focus, though, is not on the meal, but on his act of lowering himself to the feet of his followers.

At St. Paul’s on Maundy Thursday , we will wash the feet of all who wish to have their feet washed, and we will celebrate our last Eucharist before the day of Resurrection. Truly, our mandate is to serve each other and the world.
We will strip the Altar to its bare wood, and we will take consecrated unleavened bread and keep it in a place of reverence in the chapel. We do so to signify that Jesus is still with us even as he hangs on the Cross.

At noon on Good Friday , Jesus lowers himself still further. He goes to the Cross, crucified between two criminals, giving to us his supreme act of love to suffer with us in our pain, and show us that there is more to life than death. We will sit in prayer and hear reflections for those three hours.

On Good Friday we will offer solemn prayers at noon, and again offer those prayers at 5 p.m. After the five-o’clock prayers, we will, in silence, distribute the bread we have reserved in the chapel, a mark of Jesus being with us especially in times of pain.
Once more on Good Friday , at 8 p.m., we will assemble for prayers, and we will dim the candles, one at a time, in the solemn observance of Tenebrae , a Latin word meaning “shadows.”
On Holy Saturday morning, at 9 a.m., we will assemble here for a brief time for the prayers of Holy Saturday, the day that marks when Christ descends into Hell itself to open the gates wide and let everyone out. The prayers of the morning are brief, and I am especially inviting those of you who are preparing our sanctuary for the evening Vigil to participate in this short service.

Holy Saturday is the anvil upon which Easter rests. Without Jesus going to the dead to break the chains of Hell, the resurrection has little to do with us.

With Holy Saturday , Jesus takes us with him at the Resurrection. I hope you will join me for a few minutes Saturday morning in the chapel.

On Saturday evening, after sundown comes our first opportunity to celebrate the third day of Easter: The Resurrection. We assemble for the Great Vigil of Easter – the biggest, most splendid and opulent worship of the entire year.

We light a fire outside, and bring the light of the Paschal candle into the church. The Paschal Candle leads our procession, and there are no crucifixes carried on this night. We are done with the Cross. Inside the church, sitting in the dim light, we hear again the story of creation. And then with lights on, and bells ringing, we declare the Resurrection – we loudly declare Christ has Risen – and we experience again the joy of Easter and our first Eucharist of the Easter season.

Bring your bells and come join us.

On Easter Day morning we come here in the sunlight, our Lent completed and our new life in Christ begun once again.

And with grateful hearts we join in our prayer for The Great Vigil of Easter : “Stir up in your Church that Spirit … which is given to us in Baptism, that we, being renewed both in body and mind, may worship you in sincerity and truth.”

May each of you, wherever you are, have blessed and Holy Week, and a season of hope and renewal in the Easter that is to come.

James+
Paintings: "Palm Sunday Procession," 1967-1968, by Romare Bearden; "Three Women at the Tomb," 1979, by Romare Bearden; traditional icon of the crucifixion, Russian.


What Flavor is Vegan?




There is a snippet of lore in our family that never fails to make me laugh till my sides hurt. My husband, who is the subject of this much told tale, bears our laughs with good humor, in fact, I think he laughs these days as much as I do over it.

Will and I have known each other a long time. No, really, you think I'm exaggerating . I'm not. We met when I was 13 and he was 15... at the mall. He was helping his best friend pick out a gift for a girl who happened to be my best friend, so I was there to make the final call on the gift. (I wish I remembered what we chose. If I had to hazard a guess, it was probably a James Avery Charm, since we were nuts over them that year, but that's just a guess).

Actually, we met the year before that, although we didn't realize it until after we were married. I was "going out" with this guy named Stu Pendus (I kid you not) and was at his birthday party when I wandered out back where a cute boy was playing basketball. I flirted, he flirted (in that almost-a-teenager, awkward way, I'm sure) and then a decade or so later I married him. Not that we dated, or even knew each other that whole time, but still. I remember when he had his entire head shaved except for overly long bangs and he has a truly embarrassing faux Glamor Shot of a 13-year-old me. We keep each other entertained.

Anyhoo , after three years of living in different states and not having anything to do with each other , Will moved to Eugene, Oregon when I was a sophomore in college there. Now think about that. A 21 year old man moves from Dallas, Texas to Eugene, Oregon (right at the height of it's hippyness I might add. Before it was cool to be crunchy but when The Merry Pranksters were still alive and bumming around town and when people like Mason Williams showed up to teach a journalism class to play the kazoo - true story) All I can say is the guy was in culture shock (Will, not Mason Williams. I doubt much shocked Mason Williams) .

There were smelly people and naked people and a guy who rode a unicycle around campus in a hot pink unitard and a silver cape. The Rainbow people came into town and took up all the parking spaces with their crazy cars and a man named Frog sat on a corner and asked everyone who walked by if they had read The World's Funniest Jokebook (and woe to anyone who answered no).

So on the day of our story, my future husband, still fresh out of Texas and reeling slightly from the shock that was Western Oregon, walked into a coffee shop with my father. The coffee shop was well known for it's excellent bagels , interesting cream cheese flavors and damn good muffins. Will scanned the case, looking for something good and pointed at one of the muffins. Turning to my dad he asked,

"What flavor is vegan?"

Now I wasn't there, but legend has it that the entire shop went silent. And I can just imagine the reaction of a bunch of 20 something granola kids (I can say that, I was one!) when a tall drink of water with a southern accent asked such a question. He's lucky he got out of there with his leather shoes unharmed.

As you can imagine, anytime the words "vegan" and "baking" appeared in the same sentence in our family it has been met with laughter and cringes, never serious consideration. Until I read this recipe over at The Kitchn and found my mouth watering at the descriptions.

It's good folks.

In fact, I may never bake a non-vegan cupcake again. And that's big because I love to bake cupcakes of all kinds. But seriously, these are some of the yummiest cupcakes I've come across. I think they might just be my new go-to cake recipe of choice.

So now we know what flavor vegan is - yummy.

Just one note, I used a mini-cupcake pan which made the perfect sized treat in my humble opinion, but this recipe makes a lot of mini-cupcakes. Because I didn't want to have 60 delicious cupcakes hanging around the house at one time, I froze half the batter, in the pan, and later popped them in the oven - still frozen - at the same temperature. Worked like a charm.

Also, who needs cupcake liners when you can just cut squares of parchment. Duh. Get RSS Buttons


A. Harel on IDF-settler symbiosis

This is a very informative article by Haaretz's Amos Harel on the close symbiosis that exists between settler activists-- including those responsible for most of the so-called "illegal" or "unauthorized" settlement outposts-- and high-level authorities inside the IDF and other organs of the Israeli state. He writes,
The outposts are a continuation of the settlements by other means. The sharp distinction Israel makes between them is artificial. Every outpost is established with a direct connection to a mother settlement, with the clear aim of expanding the takeover of the territory and ensuring an Israeli hold on a wider tract of land. Construction in the outposts is integrated into the overall plan of the settlement project and is carried out in parallel to the seizure of lands within and close to the settlements.
He illustrates the cooperation of state authorities in the establishment and maintenance of the so-called "outposts" in the case of one called Migron:
Migron is surrounded by a fence, guarded and connected to the necessary water and electricity infrastructures. Its "ascent to the land," even though it was done on private Palestinian property, and despite the fact that it was undertaken in a deceptive manner, has received backing and practical support from the state. The security establishment's declaration to the High Court of Justice this week that it would take more than a year to implement the compromise agreement, whereby the inhabitants of Migron would be moved to the adjacent settlement of Adam, shows that this backing is still in place... Behind every settlement action there is a planning and thinking mind that has access to the state's database and maps, and help from sympathetic officers serving in key positions in the IDF and the Civil Administration. The story is not in the settlers' uncontrolled behavior, though there is evidence of this on some of the hilltops, but rather in conscious choices by the state to enforce very little of the law.
Harel writes that the the Obama administration has held fast to the position that all the 100 "outposts" identified by the United Nations and by Israeli attorney Talia Sasson must be evacuated. (And not just the 23 or 26 outposts that PM Sharon's security adviser Dov Weisglas agreed to evacuate, back in 2001.) He writes that most of the present outposts were established during two waves of activity: between 1997 and 1999 (when, of course, Netanyahu was the PM), and between 2001 and 2003 (i.e., under Sharon-- and notwithstanding Wesiglas's 2001 promise to evacuate some of the ones that were already there.) He adds,
During those years, the area of the settlements themselves increased. The symbiosis between the army and the settlers in the West Bank was at its peak then. Many of the terror attacks elicited "a suitable Zionist response" with the army's encouragement: the establishment of a new outpost or the pushing back of the fence around an existing settlement. The settlers' moves were supported by surveillance cameras, protected roads, guards and often by declarations of a "special security zone." To prevent infiltration, the area of the settlements was expanded and Palestinians from neighboring villages were prevented from approaching them. However, in the same breath, the moves were exploited for long-term goals, taking over and building on lands that were in large part private. For nearly 12 years now, I have been intermittently covering the outposts, as part of my coverage of the army. Officially, the IDF doesn't see the connection between the defense establishment and the settlers. Construction in the territories is ostensibly a matter for settlement reporters and nosy activists from Peace Now. In fact, this connection is at the heart of the settlement project. In March 1998, during a tour, I was told by the commander of the Samaria Area Brigade, in an afterthought, that although the Gidonim outposts near Itamar were established without a permit, the Defense Ministry was acting to "launder" them. On that same day, Eli Cohen, the defense minister's settlement adviser, was also touring the area. Queries put to the ministry by Knesset members were answered with evasive comments, but very quickly all the outposts in the vicinity were connected to all the necessary infrastructures. Five years later, at the height of the Sharon prime ministership, a senior officer who had recently been demobilized after service in the territories volunteered to explain the facts of life to my colleague Guy Kotev and me. With the patience usually reserved for children who have difficulty understanding, he asked us whether we really believed that the outposts go up without the authorities' knowledge. He related that the director general of the settler organization Amana, Zeev Hever (known by his nickname, Zambish) was visiting the prime minister's residence at night to go over the maps with Sharon. "And after that you expect that we won't give them guards and we won't hook them up to the water system?" he wondered.
So it is excellent to also learn from Harel that he judges that Obama has remained adamant on the need for speedy evacuation of all the outposts. (As a precursor to the evacuation all the settlements , I hope.) He notes the very dire effects of the laxness that the last two US presidents have shown on the whole Israeli settlement construction question:
During the 16 years since the Oslo process began, the number of Israelis living east of the Green Line (pre-Six-Day War border) increased from 110,000 to about 300,000 (not including East Jerusalem). The number of building starts in the West Bank in 2008 was 40 percent greater than during the previous year.
2008, lest we forget, was exactly the year-long period in which George W. Bush had vowed-- during his speech at the Annapolis Middle east Peace Summit (remember that??)-- that he would broker a final-status Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement before the end of his term in office. How can anyone say that Israel's PM Ehud Olmert was negotiating "in good faith" with the Palestinians during that year, if at the same time he was accelerating his country's expropriation of, and construction upon, the Palestinian land and national heritage? Harel ends with a sober reflection on the split, or warped, moral vision of all the people-- inside and outside the state apparatus-- who have participated in the settlement- and outpost-construction project:
Taking over the private property of someone who belongs to the neighboring people is a common phenomenon in the West Bank, even in recent years. We aren't talking here about things that happened back in 1948. It is possible, of course, to describe these moves as a necessary part of the life-and-death struggle between the two peoples, in the name of which nearly all means are justified. One of the most obvious things learned from every visit is the extent to which things are done in a planned way, to this day. It is hard to miss the destroyed terraces in the settlement of Adam or the sight of the sewage flowing from Psagot, not far from the Binyamin regional council building, straight into the wadi that runs to the adjacent Palestinian town of El Bireh. But in those very same settlements live upstanding citizens, who would not cheat the grocer of 10 agorot and who would go out in the middle of the night to help a neighbor stuck on a dark road. In the outposts live scores of officers in the career army and the reserves, who serve in elite units and win citations for their courage. At the same time, according to the official state data, many of them have built their dream homes, a modest mobile home or a more luxurious villa, on land that has been stolen from someone else by force.
Great work, Amos Harel.


Pulling the Church into dry dock

My dad was a sailor, an old salt if there ever was one. He sailed San Francisco Bay as ateenager, and then skippered small ships in World War II. When I was growing up he alwayshad a sailboat, and he always seemed to spend as much timeworking on the boat as he did sailing the boat.
He impressed upon me the importance of maintaining the ship no matter its size.

St. Paul's Memorial Church, at the corner of Chancellor Street and University Avenue, built in 1927, is a sturdy ship that has weathered many storms, including four blizzards this past winter.
What many people don’t know is that our building is heavily used during the week; we host recovery groups, student and community organizations, our own small groups, community night classes, choir rehearsals and many other church groups. Every weekday, and most evenings, something is happening at St. Paul’s.
This ship is not just the gathering place for our faith community but is also our tool for ministry, and is a gift to us from earlier generations. It is now our turn to maintain the ship so that our children and their children will have it for their ministry.
This summer we’ve pulled the ship into dry dock for an overhaul.
You will notice on Sunday we’ve refurbished the restrooms on the ground floor. Meanwhile, the kitchen is being completely gutted; all of the equipment, counters, stove – everything – has been hauled out.
The paint on the kitchen ceiling was crumbling has been chipped off. The floor has been stripped down to the sub-floor and will be replaced. A new double-size refrigerator will be installed; new dish washers, easier to use, will also be installed.
Soon we will have new and safer hardware on the exterior doors.
Outside, the front yard is a construction zone. Crews have worked all month in the heat laying down concrete forms and foundations for a mediation garden. These are big jobs, and the many moving parts have been overseen by John Reid, Pat Punch, Joan Albiston, Michael Wheelwright, Peter Dennison and several others. It takes a village to fix a building.

We have more to do. In coming years, we need to make major repairs to the 1920s church building, and renovations to our 1950s education wing and office spaces.
Our elegant church sanctuary has blistering plaster in many places. The walls have not been painted in years. Our rare and valuable Skinner organ needs substantial repair and restoration. The sacristy is worn out. The lighting and electrical systems throughout the building need updating.

Yet, as crucial as all of that is to our parish, maintenance of the Church is more than about bricks-and-mortar. Foundational to our parish life is the infrastructure of The Episcopal Church, especially the health of the Diocese of Virginia and the Episcopal seminaries. St. Paul’s is one parish among 181 in a diocese that counts 80,000 members; our two bishops log roughly 40,000 miles a year visiting parishes; our parishes rely on well-educated clergy and lay professionals.

Voluntary parish giving accounts for more than 90 percent of diocesan funding for programs including youth camps, seminarians, and congregational development. At St. Paul’s, we give $67,000 a year from our operating funds to the diocese; we also give through the time and talent of our people. Several members of St. Paul’s have given thousands of volunteer hours to the diocese.
The seminaries of the Episcopal Church also rely on parish and individual giving, and many are in dire financial condition; one seminary, Seabury-Western in Chicago, closed last year because it was broke.
My own seminary, the Church Divinity School of the Pacific, is operating at a substantial annual loss. The flagship of the Episcopal Church, General Seminary in New York, reportedly is selling Manhattan real estate to stay afloat. Seminarians, paying substantial tuition, now graduate with tens-of-thousands of dollars in student loan debt and that drastically limits their ability to accept calls to small and poor congregations.
The fiscal crisis of the Episcopal seminaries is as real as it is unnecessary. It used to be that parishes were expected to contribute 1 percent of operating income to the seminaries so that future leaders could be educated. That level of giving has faltered in recent years, largely because the seminaries are out-of-sight and out-of-mind. I am proud to say that St. Paul’s is giving to the seminaries but we could give substantially more. If all Episcopal congregations even gave one-half percent of operating incomes, the seminaries would be financial healthy.
At St. Paul's, this is our centennial year, a time for us to look not just back, but to look forward. Others gave us the infrastructure – the buildings, the diocese, the seminaries. Earlier generations built all of it through their selfless giving, and then gave it all to us. We are the beneficiaries.
Now it comes to us to maintain, enhance and give this treasure to the next generation. To us comes a big task, and to us comes many blessings.
It is our turn to step up and get it right.




Photos by Dudley Rochester


A look inside the residence halls

Just in case you haven't found them yet, the housing office has photos of students' rooms from various halls around Grounds. While I'm sure some of the students did some tidying up before the photographers showed up, these were not rooms set up by the University.

Note: these are just pages with pictures. Go to the housing website to read general info about each building. There are more halls than those below. This is just a list of the pages with photos.

McCormick Road Halls
Alderman Road Halls (here's a special page about Kellogg Hall and some info about future buildings )
Brown College (also check out Brown's website )
International Residence College

As a little bonus, here's a blog entry written by a 2004 graduate who saved pictures of both his first year and fourth year rooms (he lived off Grounds his fourth year). Perhaps these are a better representations of men's residence hall rooms!


Tehran Showdown: Rafsanjani Speaks (full text)

The fissures that have opened up at the center of the Islamic Republic are again much on display. Influential Iranian politician Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's appearance today as Tehran's Friday Prayer leader was even more profound and stunning than billed. As I've posted here before, when Rafsanjani speaks, people listen . And today, he had much to say. Officially, the former President, Parliamentary Speaker, and close aide to Ayatollah Khomeini, now heads both the Expediency Council, a body that often reconciles log-jams within "the system," and the Assembly of Experts, the body entrusted with appointing and even supervising the Supreme Leader. Yes, he's controversial. Many of the same reformists and leftists who today count the "pragmatic" Rafsanjani as an ally four years ago could not bear to support him against current President Ahmadinejad. Times change. In one of the debates just prior to the election, Ahmadinejad threw mud at Rafsanjani, hoping to taint reformist candidate Mir Hossein Musavi with the corruption smear by extension. Since the controversy over the June 12th Presidential elections, Rafsanjani has been largely silent, and skipped a turn or two as Friday Prayer Leader. But not today. As there are several very "thin" instant translations circulating, I post to the extension below a complete translation of Rafsanjani's second sermon, as provided by BBC/OSC. Last night, I'd heard from friends in Tehran who were worried that Rafsanjani "would pull a Khatami" -- and talk about unity and preserving the revolution, while selling short the ongoing disquiet over the elections.. Quite the contrary, Rafsanjani's speech was remarkably bold and unprecedented (for him). Rafsanjani has set out markers about legitimacy, "the people" and Islamic governance that will be of interest not just for Iran's system, but for Islamists everywhere to consider. "Everything depends on people .... The title of Islamic Republic is not just a formality.... If it looses its Islamic aspect, we will go astray. If it looses its republican aspect, it [The Islamic Republic] will not be realized. Based on the reasons that I have offered, without people and their vote there would be no Islamic system." Rafsanjani goes on to emphasize the plausible presence of "doubt" in the minds of Iranians about the legitimacy of the recent elections. This "bitter" doubt, "the worst disaster" -- "a plague" - was not put there by foreign media, but by shameful behavior from within, by Iran's own supervising Guardian Council and its state controlled TV media.: "We are independent... Do we not have 30-year experience of running the country? Do we not have ulema? Why should our Sources [of Emulation, meaning senior clerics], who always have been supportive, and our seminary schools, which have never had any expectations for their efforts, be upset today." This is a not so subtle challenge to the very legitimacy of Supreme Leader Khamenei -- in referencing the fact that several of Iran's most senior Grand Ayatollah's have been letting their displeasure be known. (a fact woefully missed or ignored in a recent WINEP essay ) Rafsanjani's suggestions for restoring "trust" in the system (something hardliners don't admit is lacking) boil down to: 1. Act strictly within the law. (e.g., especially law enforcement)2. Promote dialogue and foster climate for free thinking and reason to prevail.3. Free all those arrested amid protests.4. Compensate those harmed in the disturbances.5. Ease up on the media. Rafsanjani does reference the need for unity, and he hopes his words will be "a turning point for the future," to resolve the present "crisis." That may be optimistic. Ball now back to Leader Khamenei's court. ( Full text in extension below: ) **************************** Supplied by BBC Worldwide Monitoring July 17, 2009 Friday (sub-headings by BBC)
Iran senior cleric calls for release of post-election unrest detainees In the name of God the most compassionate the most merciful, May greetings be bestowed on the God, the creator of the universe. May greetings be bestowed on the messenger of God and his successor Imam Ali the knight of the believers and his son and progeny Hoseyn and Mohammad the son of Ali and Ja'far the son of Mohammad and Musa-ibn Ja'far and Ali the son of Musa and all the Khalifa in the line of Mahdi [Crowds send blessings]. I enjoin the servants of God to piety and obeying His orders. On hardship endured by seventh Shi'i imam As far as the occasions of the week are concerned, the most important occasion was the death anniversary Imam Kazem, our seventh [Shi'i] imam, who was one of our most oppressed imams who experienced much hardship. His Excellency became an imam when he was 20 years old and during his whole life he faced much hardship from the Abbasid dynasty. Throughout his life he was either isolated and under pressure and surveillance or in exile and in prison. He was finally martyred in prison. The Shi'i became to know his as Kazim and Sabir [the patient one]. Kazem means a person who hides his hardship and suffering and Sabir means a person who is always under hardship but is patient and resists. These are some of the title given exclusively to the seventh imam. A number of Caliphs gave him a hard time and finally Harun al-Rashid sent him to exile in Basra and then to Baghdad, where he was sent to and held in the dark and dim tunnels of Baghdad with chains. They chained his feet. But Imam Kazem was happy about this. He said that for his whole life he had asked God to give him time to worship him and now his prayer has been answered and he can spend all his time praying to God. His Excellency was martyred under these circumstances. [words indistinct] May God grant patience and his blessing to those who are oppressed. We extend our condolences to all people who love righteousness and to you dear people who follow those prominent, immaculate and oppressed figures. Urging China to exercise patience I will briefly speak about another issue, the killings in China. Muslims in China are experiencing some bitter days. I would like to mention a few points to the Chinese government. The Chinese government is expected to exercise patience in the face of aggressions that people are facing. [At this point a number of people began chanting: "Down with China". Rafsanjani continued with his sermons and told worshippers:] Please allow me. Dear gentlemen! I, as the leader of the Friday prayers, pleaded with you not to chant any slogans. Considering the situation here [the venue of the Friday prayers], the adjacent streets and the entire area, I would like to ask you not to chant slogans. Please allow [me to continue] Thank you. We would like to give a friendly word of advice to the Chinese government that we believe is a wise government working towards the progress of China. We would like to tell the Chinese government that what is going on is not in its interests. They [Chinese officials] are aware that there one billion and 600 million Muslims in the world. They live in around 60 independent countries. Muslims in all parts of the world enjoy their own identity and character and all their hearts are linked to those of Muslims in China who are experiencing acts of oppression today. China must be careful and consider its own interests and its relations with the world of Islam and the hearts of Muslims. And, God willing, from now on we would not witness such acts of oppression against Muslims in China or other parts of the world. Problems in Iraq, Palestine, Afghanistan and Pakistan are unfortunately the same as they have been in previous weeks and months, and bloodshed, corruption and clashes continue. Those problems will be solved one day, God willing. On "completely free" election And now to an issue which concerns us and the discussions to which I promised to dedicate the second and third part of my remarks. As far as the [presidential] election which was held [on 12 June] is concerned, praise be to God we made a very good start. A sound competition took shape and good preparations were made. The four candidates who were approved by the Guardian Council competed against each other and demonstrated a good competition. The people became hopeful that the elections were completely free and they truly demonstrated an unprecedented participation. In these circumstances the conditions were set for the creation of a proud moment for the country. We have to present this glory to the people. It is their right. It was the people who demonstrated a good presence. The people broke a record as far as presence at the ballot boxes was concerned. We all have to thank the people who participated freely in the election at a time when no other country has seen such a level of participation. That was very valuable. I wish those conditions could have continued until today, and today we would have been experiencing the most proud moments in the world regardless of the election results. Stresses on people's support However, developments did not take shape as we wished them to, and I will explain them now. The principle issue concerns what we want, as I mentioned earlier, and, secondly, to ask what is required by the revolution. What you are hearing now is from a person who has been with the revolution second by second from the very beginning of the struggle which began by our leader the Imam [Khomeyni]. We are talking about 60 years ago up until today. I know what the Imam wanted and am familiar with the basis of the Imam's thinking. Even during the time of the struggles, the Imam would always say; all I am concerned about is the people when it came to a suggestion, for example to use arms, terror [preceding in English], this party [words indistinct]. He would say, you do as much as you can to solve the people's problems and familiarize them with the struggle. He would tell us who were theology students, that our mission was to go to mosques, prayer houses and villages and explain what we were after. We have everything if people are with us. [Words indistinct] The Islamic Revolution was based on what the Prophet [Muhammad] did, bringing people on board who themselves wished to take part on their own will and beliefs. That was (?the secret) of the Imam's victory. It took less than 20 years for people to become alert. Obviously the price was also paid in terms of people who were martyred, people who were put in prisons, the Imam himself was sent to exile and many other things. However, our gains were much more. People became so alert that those whose ages allow have seen how in the final couple of years people poured into the streets. People's role according to the late Khomeyni All the streets were full of Imam's supporters. And, all the forces which were supporters and believers in the Imam were alongside Imam, all ranged against the very arrogant forces of the Pahlavi regime. [Poor reception] The Shah whose coffers were filled to the brim from oil revenues could do anything it wanted. The people came to the fore and the demands of the people were such that they had to abandon everything and go. [Loss of reception]... the Revolution, we worked round the clock for it and all on the basis of [loss of reception]... all his [presumably Imam Khomeyni] worry was that Islamic rule is not possible without the people. Whatever the people will, will be done! And, I have a story to recount; one which I have heard from the era of Imam. I did not ask where the proof for that is. I then went and asked his eminence about this. It is a very interesting story. It formed the basis of Imam's reasoning. Of course, it is far greater than that. His... [poor reception] the role that Imam accords to the people. I noted this from a book called Kashf ol-Mohajjam which belongs to Seyyed Ibn-Tavus who is one of our very erudite Ulema from seventh century. He is a great personality. Please listen to this story. This is one of the [indistinct words]. On Islamic legitimacy Ali Ibn-Abi-Talib himself says that when the prophet [Mohammad] was [indistinct words] rather worried in the last year of his life. He said this to Abi-Talib; [reads a short verse from Koran] This is after Eid-e Ghadir. He said that you are the Guardian of this Ummah [nation] this is a Guardianship that belongs to you and is something that God has given you. [reads a passage from Koran] if you felt that this people are satisfied [with you] and they accept you and felt that you are a worthy person [ruler] and there was consensus, of course consensus is always relative it can never be absolute, if the majority coalesced around you then have to accept it. You will become the Guardian and see to their day to day affairs and resolve their problems. [reads another passage] If you saw that they opposed you and that they do not come along with you then you have to leave them, Let them do what they want to; they know themselves what they need to do with their lives. [reads another passage] God will find a way for you to realise your goals. This chronicle is one from authoritative sources. It is using these authoritative sources that Seyyed Ibn-Tavus uses; not that we just have this chronicle we have many others. We have books on this. This was just a one off chronicle that I read. This test was what formed the basis of later rule. It was the basis of the rule of the prophet and we in the Islamic Republic set ourselves the mission of practicing exactly this. On Islamic, republican nature of system We have to be with the people; this people acted very wisely. The same thought of the Imam [the late Ayatollah Khomeyni] can be witnessed when he appointed Mr Bazargan as the head of the interim government. The power had not been handed over to us and Bakhtiar [the last prime minister of the shah] was still in power in Tehran at that time. The Imam was in a hurry to handover the power to the people. As you know, in his decree to Bazargan, which I also read it, the Imam said that the Revolution Council should keep on working for a short term, the Majlis should be established as soon as possible, the constitution should be drafted so that the people can live under the new [word indistinct] constitution. When we were preparing the draft of the constitution, before it was handed to the Assembly of Experts, the Imam gave his advices on that and stressed and strengthened the principles which related to the people. The issue of the councils [presumably the municipality councils] had been actually proposed by other individuals but the Imam strengthened them and assigned the tasks to the people. Later on, when we had meetings with the leaders of other countries, they were surprised about that. The Algerian leaders said that it took them 20 years, after their revolution, before they could draw up their constitution. They asked: How could you do so in a hasty manner. We said that since we achieved the victory by people's power [word indistinct] and since the people support their revolution and religion we are not worried. That was a fact. As you are aware, according to the constitution, everything in the country is determined by people's vote. People elect the members of the Assembly of Expert and then they elect leader, that is, leader is [indirectly] elected by people's vote. Presidents, MPs, members of the councils are elected by direct votes of people. Other officials are also appointed [indirectly] through people's vote. Everything depends on people. This is the religious system. The title of Islamic Republic is not used as a formality. It includes both the republican and Islamic nature. [People chant in support] I asked you not to chant slogans so that I can finish sooner. Thank you very much. The title of Islamic Republic is not just a formality. This is a reality passed on to us on the basis of Koran, as well as the religious sayings of the [Shi'i] Imams and prophet. We believe in them. We should have them at the same time. Rest assured if one of those two aspects are damaged we will loose our revolution. If it looses its Islamic aspect, we will go astray. If it looses its republican aspect, it [The Islamic Republic] will not be realized. Based on the reasons that I have offered, without people and their vote there would be no Islamic system. Ali bin Abi-Talib [the Shi'i first Imam] stayed at home for 19 years for the same reason. When the people came forward [word indistinct], Ali bin Abi-Talib accepted to come to power after people's insistence, despite the difficulties he faced. On current election, return of trust to people This was our path. We should reach the destination. We should strengthen it day by day. If the problems after the [presidential] election had not emerged, we would have had taken the best largest step towards realizing the Islamic [aspect of the establishment] at the 30th anniversary of the revolution. I am not going to say that we have not taken the step. I want to explain why this happened. What I understand is that towards the end of the election campaign we were taken over by doubt. In other words, people started to have doubts and the seeds of doubt were sown, for whatever reason. Whether it was unfavourable publicity or the Voice and Vision's inappropriate actions or other things, seeds of doubt were planted in the minds of the people. We consider doubt as the worst disaster. [Talking to some people in the audience] Please allow me, I am saying it much better than you would. Your slogan and approval is enough. Leave it. Doubt came down on our nation like the plague. Of course, there are two separate currents. There is a group of people who have no doubts, they [word indistinct] and mind their own business. But there is also another group, whose numbers are not few and include a great section of our erudite and knowledgeable people, who say: " We doubt". We should take measures to remove this doubt. This period, after the results of the elections , is a bitter era. I do not believe anyone from any faction wanted this to happen. We have all lost in this event. We have all lost and now ask ourselves: why did it happen. We need unity today, more than ever. Our county should be united against all the dangers that threaten us. They have now upped their ransom demands and are coming forward to take away our achievements in the fields of hi-tech and particularly nuclear technology. Of course, God will not give them the opportunity to do so, but they are greedy. My brothers and sisters, first of all, you all know me, I have never wanted to abuse this platform in favour of a particular faction and my remarks have always concerned issues beyond factionalism. I am talking in the same manner today. I am not interested in any factions. In my view, we should all think and find a way that will unite us to take our country forward and save ourselves from these dangerous and bad effects, and the emerging grudges. We should disappoint our enemies so that they would not covet our country. What should we do? I have a few suggestions. Of course I have discussed these suggestions with a few jurists and members of the Expediency Council, with whom I can intellectually connect. We have decided, and I will read them out as solutions and maybe others will accept them and God willing, put them into force with sincerity. Our important issue is that the trust that brought so many people to the polls and is now harmed, will be restored. This should be our holy objective, that this trust is returned. Whether [words indistinct], I will tell you later. One, we should all, the system, government, Majlis, security forces, police and the people, i.e. the protestors, move in line with the law. If we violate the law, then there will be no boundaries left. We should raise our issues in the context of the law and find solutions for them within the framework of the law. We should accept whatever the law says and if there are some people who have problems with some laws, they should wait until those laws are corrected. God willing, all these problems that we have seen, will be resolved one day. But everything should be within the framework of the law. Two, we must act in a way that the trust of the people is restored. Of course this cannot be achieved in one day. This is a relatively long process. We have to create an atmosphere that all sides can come and express their views. And all sides must act rationally and without quarrel. Logic should rule. Of course the main task here falls on the Voice and Vision [of the Islamic Republic, meaning state broadcaster] as it has greater audience. And all other media outlets must do the same. [Sentence indistinct]. They should sit down and talk to each other in a brotherly and sisterly manner and point out their reasons. Eventually the people will find out the truth and we can ask the people too. We have to provide the ground to return this trust to the people. Unfortunately, a good use was not made of the opportunity that the Supreme Leader [Ali Khamene'i] gave the Guardian Council in which an extra five days was given to them to talk to the ulema. I do not of course want to blame anyone for this lost opportunity, but, nonetheless, it did not happen. [Crowd chanting] We have passed that stage. We are going through another stage now. I believe that for the sake of the future and our unity and for preventing the danger facing the system and for safeguarding the values created by the Revolution and for the sake of the martyrs and the efforts of those who struggled on this path whose achievements are now passed on to us and in order for these achievement to be passed on to the third and forth and following generation, at this juncture we can move along this path. If we accept the above two points that we move in line with the law and leave the door to debate, negotiations and reasoning open, perhaps in a short while we will be satisfied. Hoping to resolve current "crisis" Meanwhile, we have to do other things. Under current circumstances, there is no need for us to have people in prisons. Allow them to return to their families. [Chants of indistinct slogans from the masses in support of the cleric's comment]. Let's not allow our enemies to reprimand and laugh at us and hatch plots against us just because a few certain people are in prison. We should be brave and patient enough to tolerate one another. Sympathy should be shown to the victims of the recent incidents which took place. We should offer condolences to those who are mourning and bring their hearts closer to the establishment. And this is possible. Those who are faithful to the Revolution and know that the system needs them, can cooperate with us with their heart and soul. We have to do this, be tolerant and show them sympathy. There is no need to make haste here and put ourselves into trouble. We should not limit our media, which have got legal permission for their activities. They should be able to work within the framework of the laws. As I mentioned before, the law is the criteria. Neither the media should expect to have activities beyond the legal framework, nor should the establishment expect them to ignore their legal rights. All should let to create a calm, open, critical, or even confirming atmosphere. I think that our officials, Law Enforcement Force, military and security forces should help to create that atmosphere. We are all members of a family. All of us have endured hardship in the path of the revolution. All of us have invested in this long holy jihad and given martyrs. All of us [word indistinct]. We have our own idea. Why should others from long distance come and make up a prescription for us [give advice to us]. We are independent. [Word indistinct]. Do we not have 30-year experience of running the country? Do we not have ulema? Why should our Sources [of Emulation, meaning senior clerics], who always have been supportive, and our seminary schools, which have never had any expectations for their efforts, be upset today. We should keep their support and rely on them. If we preserve the unity, God willing, I hope that this Friday prayer sermon will be a turning point for the future and we will be able to successfully resolve this problem, which unfortunately can be described as a crisis. I hope that unity, fraternity, and fair competition [in elections] will again prevail, so that people can elect whoever they like. [People chant in support] May God bless you. May God support all of you. May God protect you and help you [word indistinct] to be present at the scene. Thank you very much. [Reading a surah from the Holy Koran meaning: Surely We have given you Kausar, Therefore to thy Lord turn in Prayer and Sacrifice, Surely your enemy is the one who shall be without posterity] Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran, in Persian 0919 gmt 17 Jul 09